China’s appointment of Lu Shaye as Special Representative for European Affairs has reignited debates about its diplomatic strategy. Known for his aggressive ‘wolf warrior’ rhetoric, Lu represents a shift in how China engages with the European Union. His appointment signals Beijing’s evolving approach — one that blends economic cooperation with a more confrontational stance in response to growing tensions with the West.
But beyond Europe, China’s special envoy system has become a crucial pillar of its global diplomacy, allowing it to assert influence across regions, particularly in the Global South.
Unlike traditional diplomacy centred around resident ambassadors, China’s use of special envoys reflects a flexible, targeted approach to international relations. From conflict mediation to economic negotiations, these envoys serve as Beijing’s diplomatic troubleshooters, reinforcing China’s role as a global power.
The early 2000s saw Beijing cautiously expanding its diplomatic footprint, appointing envoys for Middle East affairs, African affairs and climate change. This period reflected China’s efforts to establish itself as a responsible global player while securing strategic resources.
With the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in the 2010s, China began positioning itself as a major stakeholder in global governance, seeking to create a conducive environment for its BRI expansion and counterbalance Western influence.
Post-pandemic, China has intensified its use of special envoys for conflict resolution and regional stability. The special envoys for the Horn of Africa and Pacific Island Countries reflect Beijing’s focus on securing economic corridors, mitigating regional conflicts and expanding influence in areas where competition with the United States is fierce.
Since the Ukraine war’s outbreak, Beijing has sought to position itself as a mediator and called for political resolution, balancing its close ties with Russia while maintaining its influence among Global South nations.
While China publicly advocates for a peaceful resolution, its actions suggest a more calculated strategy. It has refrained from condemning Russia, instead blaming NATO for provoking the conflict. Its diplomatic engagements with Brazil and South Africa have helped frame the war as a broader geopolitical struggle rather than a unilateral act of aggression by Moscow.
China’s special envoy practice has been particularly effective in strengthening ties with the Global South alongside regional forums like the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation. Special envoys to Africa, Latin America and the Pacific Islands serve as conduits for economic diplomacy, security dialogues and regional cooperation, advancing China’s regional diplomacy agenda and maintaining close and legitimate engagement with developing nations.
The significance of this approach is evident in Africa, where China has used special envoys to facilitate high-level discussions with the African Union and individual nations. The presence of a dedicated Special Envoy for African Affairs has enabled Beijing to sustain diplomatic momentum despite growing concerns over debt sustainability and resource exploitation.
Despite its successes, China’s special envoy system faces significant challenges. Bureaucratic overlap and inconsistent messaging are growing concerns, especially as China expands its diplomatic reach. Tensions naturally exist between the incumbent special envoy, in-country resident ambassador and the director-general in charge of the region.
Another challenge is regional scepticism. Countries that have heavily relied on Chinese loans for infrastructure projects under the BRI are increasingly questioning the long-term sustainability of these agreements. Special envoys must navigate these tensions carefully to prevent diplomatic backlash.
In Europe, the appointment of Lu Shaye suggests that China may adopt a more confrontational posture, particularly towards EU institutions. Lu’s ‘wolf warrior’ reputation could further strain China–EU relations at a time when European leaders are reassessing their economic and political engagement with China.
The Chinese approach to envoys has distinct characteristics compared to Western countries. China appoints special envoys on an ad hoc and task-specific basis, primarily for regional diplomacy, operating under the Foreign Ministry with limited public engagement. Unlike the institutionalised, long-term positions in the West, Chinese envoys tend to be former senior officials with direct links to top leadership, allowing them to conduct quiet diplomacy with strategic partners.
While Western envoys frequently engage with civil society, opposition groups and international organisations, Chinese envoys focus on government-to-government relations, avoiding sensitive issues like democracy and human rights, instead emphasising economic cooperation and pragmatic conflict mediation. China’s envoys rarely employ public diplomacy or conditionality, preferring discreet shuttle diplomacy and economic incentives, whereas their Western counterparts often use media engagement, sanctions, and aid conditions to push for political changes. Ultimately, China’s envoys align with its non-interference policy and economic diplomacy, while Western envoys pursue multilateral engagement and values-based diplomacy, making their approaches fundamentally distinct.
Looking ahead, China is likely to refine its special envoy strategy to enhance its global diplomatic reach. As the competition with the United States and other major powers intensifies, Beijing will likely deploy more envoys to key geopolitical flashpoints, including the Middle East, Africa and the Indo-Pacific. These envoys will play a crucial role in shaping China’s regional engagements, securing economic interests, and mediating conflicts that could impact global stability.
The success or failure of China’s special envoys will be a key factor in determining whether Beijing can sustain its diplomatic momentum. One thing is certain — China’s evolving envoy system is a testament to its ambition to shape the 21st-century world order, one negotiation, one investment and one special envoy at a time.
Hao Nan is Research Fellow at the Charhar Institute in Beijing.
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